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“ One cannot even compare the League of Nations I 
to the language of Esop,” said Le Matin of April 18th, 1 

1936, “ because in the language of Esop there was good 1 
and bad, whilst in the League of Nations there is only ] 
bad. The League has not improved upon the methods I 
of the old diplomacy, but it has added to them verbiage, 
humbug, trickery and the washing of dirty linen in j 
public. It has not diminished the number of inter- 
national differences, but has aggravated the importance 
of them, bringing into play solidarities which complicate 
everything and prevent nothing. It is not a con- 
servatorium of peace but a game of grab. It is not a I 
garden but a wilderness.” 

The above quotation is consoling. For too long the 1 
League of Nations had disarmed criticism. The 1 
justice meted out to it to-day by a great newspaper 9 
announces the revenge of common sense and truth. 1 
Heaven send that this revenge be prompt enough and I 
complete enough to ward off the revenge of Germany ■ 
on which the League lavishes its care, without, 
however, neglecting to fan the embers on other hearths ! I 
At whatever point the conflagration may break out, I 
it is to the League that we shall owe its origin. By its 
insistence on disarming the peaceful and favouring J 
the rearming of the warlike, the League has produced I 

on the one side a depression and on the other side a 
high pressure which give rise to storms so violent that 
it is impossible to limit the scourge. For this reason 
the next war, even if it is not directly provoked at 
Geneva, as the crusade for the Negus would have been, 
will be the war of the League of Nations. 

If the great public begins to get understanding, 
perhaps we shall soon see freemasonry abandoning so 
compromising a daughter, lest it should itself be 
abandoned by its own clients. We hope that those 
Catholics who are still partisans of the League, in spite 
of its origin, will not wait for the example of the 
masonic lodges to recognize their error. 

I have heard an eminent ecclesiastic express the 
same wish in these terms : “ Faith, prudence and 
discipline agree in forbidding us all compromise with 
the League of Nations : faith, because there is a 
contradiction between our creed and an institution 
which sets itself up to be a new religion, a religion 
which is really the opium of the nations, although it 
was founded by those who denounce Catholicism as 
the opium of the people ; a religion which claims to 
substitute itself, if not for God, at any rate for Provi- 
dence ; a religion which, if it recruited its missionaries 
from amongst us, would soon light in France, following 
the example of the Russian and Spanish revolutions, a 
diabolical spiritual hearth ; a religion which by the 
voice of freemasonry announces (to adopt the expres- 
sion of M. Jean Guiraud in La Croix) the disappearance 
of all fatherlands in the great whole ; then will 
humanity adore itself.” # 

The contradiction which exists between the basic 
laws of the institutions is not less irreconcilable than 
that between their doctrines. The Church of Rome 
is an absolute monarchy ; the Church of Geneva, in 




theory a democratic republic, is in fact a masked 
oligarchy. Between the two there is nothing in 
common but the word “ peace.” But in Rome the 
word is a truth ; to the Father of the faithful the 
brotherhood of men and nations is not an empty 
formula. At Geneva, however, the word is a lie, a 
veil under the shelter of which national egoisms, 
insatiable imperialisms and subversive internationals 
conspire against peace. It is on this ground that 
human wisdom and prudence meet and are in accord 
with the divine wisdom to drive us away from Geneva. 
The French clergy must not forget the campaign, 
evidently of masonic origin, organized in August, 1914, 
to thrust the responsibility for the catastrophe upon 
them. This infamous rumour pointed an accusing 
finger at the clergy as the ally of the enemy. Do you 
believe that the memory of their heroes would warn 
the clergy against a recurrence of the same calumny, 
especially if there were any foundation for it in the 
indiscretions of some of their members ? In the event 
of such a second attack upon the clergy the “ infamous 
rumour ” would become more specific and wider in 
its scope and would exploit in a generalization, more 
cowardly than courageous, the pacifism of a noisy 
minority to dedicate to public vengeance and punish- 
ment all French priests, by denouncing them as the 
agents of a foreign sovereign. The government of the 
Republic — or freemasonry, for it is the same thing — is 
an adept in this manoeuvre which it made use of in 
1914 following the example of 1792 and 1871. In 
19 — the accusation would be much more dangerous, 
because less unlikely, if those amongst us who have 
been deceived, persevere in their error irt spite of 
the blunt contradiction of events. Must we wait until 
this contradiction is stained with blood ? Then it 

[ would be too late. The criminals who through their 

fanaticism, or their unscrupulous ambition to achieve 
political success, expose us to the risk of war would 
then succeed in turning upon the priests the anger ol 
the people. The Church of France has better things 
to do than to provide them with a scapegoat. 

The Church of Italy shows the way to the Church of 
I France. Its prelates brought into the Italian treasury 
[ the gold from their pastoral crosses and supported the 
high morale of the nation by the pen and the spoken word. 

I This attitude which did not suggest any zeal for the 
League, the ally of Ethiopia, has never been censured 
1 by the Holy See. On the contrary, His Holiness, 
Pius XI., formally condemned bolshevism which is the 
I other ally of Geneva. Is there not in that condemna- 
tion a tacit and a stronger condemnation a fortiori of 
I that institution which is the home of all the abettors of 

| war and revolution ? The sacrilegious theologians of 

the League would say that the League of Nations is a 
pure entity and that it has an existence in itself, in se. 
They would say that the evils which spring from it are 
but fortuitous, or, at the most, distinct entities. But the 
time is past when some can profit by evasion and the 
others are victims of anxiety ; ever since, by a 

I unanimous movement, the Church of France gave its 
adherence to the stirring words uttered in its name a 
few months ago to the Ambassadors of France in a great 
hall in Paris. It was then that we saw advancing with 
a cortege of prelates, a prince of the Church who wore 
upon his breast the cross, the symbol of divine love. 
We heard him speaking, to an immense crowd, words 
which passed beyond that crowd to the cars of all 
Christendom, an ardent Christmas message which 
finds an echo in the canticles of the angels in heaven 
Peace to men of good will. What is the meaning of 

7 1 


this message? What is the name of that new star 
which shines tremblingly in the night to guide the 
great human family towards a better future ? “ It is,” 
said His Eminence Cardinal Verdier, “ the Inter- 
national of Love through the communion of souls. 
This star is at the Antipodes of Geneva — a land without 
a heaven except for the clouds that obscure it — which 
by its tenacity in provoking a frightful carnage amongst 
Christian peoples, in order to satiate the spite of free- 
masonry against Mussolini, is the International of 


I do not wish to draw down upon my devoted head 
the thunders of that eminent ecclesiastic by under- 
taking the defence of freemasonry. It would be a bad 
cause. The accused has confessed, or rather has been 
betrayed by one of the governments which received 
the project of 1917, a project not purely academic 
since the Covenant of the League was a faithful 
reproduction of its spirit, especially in its application. 
Let us read, for example, art. 4 of the project : “ A 
people which is not free, that is to say, which does not 
possess democratic and liberal institutions indispensable 
to its development cannot constitute a nation .” 

When it is taken literally this text allows an exclusion 
which is not consistent with the claim to universality, 
especially since “ democratic and liberal institutions ” 
have suffered so many damaging attacks. The first 
article of the Covenant restricts itself to saying that 
“ every state which is freely governed ” can become 
a member of the League. In law this formula is the 
wider, although liable to the most arbitrary interpreta- 
tions. In fact a mental restriction derives from it the 
same excommunications as from the masonic text. 



Liberty at Geneva and in the masonic lodge has the 
same meaning : “ Every licence for us and our friends 
and no right for the others.” The Soviets who possess 
“ democratic institutions ” are above the laws and 
participate in the right divine of Revolution. Hence 
came the violation of all international engagements 
and offensive wars against Poland and Persia. Hence 
came the massacre and martyrdom of a whole people, 
the people of Georgia. These are pious works ! 
Abyssinia is the worst and cruellest slave-dealing 
country in the whole world, but the choice of a man 
from the left wing, M. J£ze, to represent Abyssinia at the 
League of Nations attests a praiseworthy effort to 
develop in the direction of liberal institutions. More- 
over, the enemy of our enemy is our friend. Hurrah 
for the Negus ! And let the hue and cry be started 
against Italy which, because it drove out freemasonry, 
“ cannot be regarded as a nation.” 

However, are we not paying too great an honour to 
freemasonry when we attribute to it the greatest share 
in the genesis of the League of Nations and in responsi- 
bility for its acts ? Is not this secret society a society 
with limited responsibility, not only by reason of its 
mental weakness, but also because it is, above all else, 
the instrument of forces more secret still and more to 
be feared ? Is it not unjustly accused of all the sins of 
Jewry? And if freemasonry is but an instrument, 
then President Wilson was but the instrument of an 

Amongst the first and the most liberal subscribers 
towards the propaganda in favour of the League 
appeared the London bankers. Michelet was doubt- 
less right when he wrote : “ It is said that the Jews 
have no country of their own. They have. It is the 
London Stock Exchange.” That statement is not 



quite exact. Just as Great Britain has shared the 
mastery of the seas with her emancipated daughter, 
so the republic of the United States has shared with 
Great Britain the capital of Israel. In this last partition 
the word mastery must be understood in a different 
sense. It is passive rather than active, it is submitted 
to rather than exercised. The mastery of the seas is 
almost equally divided, but the mastery of Israel is 
unequally endured. It is more complete in Wall 
Street than in the City of London. It is the more 
complete in the United States of America, because it 
is there the more discreet. It is a force of which it 
cannot be said, as of the military force in our colonies, 
according to Lyautey, that it is paraded in order to 
avoid its employment ; on the contrary, it is a force 
which is only applied efficaciously on condition that 
it is not openly paraded. It has ways and means more 
hidden, more sinuous and surer than public subscrip- 
tions. The preponderant part played by the great 
Jewish bankers in the Russian revolution need not be 
demonstrated. They let it loose upon the world in 
conjunction with Germany whence they came and 
where they had their associates. 

When Berlin sent Lenin and Trotsky into Russia in 
compartments hermetically sealed like tubes of patho- 
genic culture, the objective was quite clear : it was to 
corrupt the Russian army by revolution and to carry 
treason from Brcst-Litovsk in order to recall to the 
French front the sixty German divisions which would 
thus become available. The objective of international 
finance in New York is more obscure. To the extent 
that it was American it betrayed its country of adop- 
tion and gave an example of the general antagonism 
of interests which exists between nations and capital, 
anonymous and vagabond. As a matter of fact 



the real forces at work 

bolshevism, which is the Russian adaptation of 
Marxism, that is, the materialist conception of society, 
proposed to itself, by and on behalf of the dictatorship 
of the proletariat, to industrialize Russia to the fullest 
possible extent. In this project it has already partly 
succeeded. From the economic point of view this 
meant organizing against the United States of America 
a most formidable competition. By reason of its 
1 immense possibilities, its inexhaustible resources in 
raw materials of every description, the fertility of its 
soil and the diversity of its climate, the abundance of 
labour, the plasticity and passivity of its population, 
and, finally, its position between Europe and Asia, 
Russia, when once it is equipped, will be the only country 
able to compete with the United States for the 
economic lordship of the world. In the match between 
these two heavyweights the international Finance of 
the United States will have trained the adversary. 

From the political point of view bolshevism, the 
“ colt ” of the New York bankers, is no less opposed 
to American interests. The whole of the diplomacy 
of the Washington cabinet is dominated by the rivalry 
of Japan for the control of the Pacific and of China. 
Hence it is driven to find in Russia the ally on the other 
side, whom we ourselves looked for against Germany, 
when Russia and Germany were neighbours. Now, 
if bolshevism, Americanized or Germanized in 
mechanical technique, is capable of developing the 
economic power of Russia it could only enfeeble its 
military power and its value as a counterpoise against 
Japanese expansion. In fact, despite the revival of 
Slavonic nationalism under the Soviet regime and its 
ultra-militarist nature, it has not been able to maintain 
the position of Czarist Russia in the Far East where, 
on the contrary, Japan is advancing with giant 

op. 75 



strides. Finally as the social order in the United 
States, more than in any other country, is based on 
capitalism, it is impossible that any other sentiment 
but of horror for a revolution founded on undiluted ] 
communism should there exist. 

Why are the New York bankers, along with the 
German General Staff, the responsible authors of the 
Russian revolution? Are they, then, a fortiori the 
authors of all revolutions, since for them, in the 
conflict between the interests of their own country ' 
and, as it seems, their individual interests on the one 
side, and the revolution on the other side, it is the 
revolution which wins ? The solidarity of faith which 1 
obtains between the New York bankers and the 
bolshevist leaders and the feelings inspired amongst the 
Jews by their sufferings in Czarist Russia are not a 
sufficient explanation of this paradox. 

The paradox is not a mystery. If it is to be regarded j 
as a mystery, the key comes to us of its own accord, j 
even when the guardians of the temple do not surrender \ 
it. I met one of them at Budapest in 1919, a few days 
after the fall of Bela-Kuhn, driven out by the Rouma- 
nian army. The capital of Hungary, being an excellent ! 
base for the conquest of Central Europe by the 
bolshevists, had become their General Headquarters. ■ 
A few of the most eminent statcgists of the revolution 
had installed themselves in Budapest under cover of 
commercial, financial and even humanitarian missions. 
Misery and famine were then ravaging all the Danubian 
countries. The majority of these bolshevists had 
remained at their posts after the occupation of the 
town by the Roumanians. To avoid protests from the 
Supreme Council which was then in session in Paris, 
the liberators of Hungary had not expelled these 
strategists of the revolution. In this affair all the 

thunders of the Council were reserved, not for the 
bolshevists, but for the Roumanian gendarmerie who 
by suppressing this centre of bloody anarchy had saved, 
in spite of itself, Western Civilization in that part of 
Europe. In the following year Poland was to save 
Western Civilization, a second time in spite of itself, 
by driving back the Soviet hordes. The pressure 
exerted on Roumania, first to prevent her from 
occupying Hungary, then to compel her to evacuate 
it before Hungary’s complete restoration to health, in 
case she refused to obey the Supreme Council, went as 
far as a threat to regard as null and void the under- 
takings of the allies, subject to which Roumania had 
entered the war against the central powers. General 
Smuts, the delegate from South Africa on the Supreme 
Council, was even charged with a special mission to 
Bela-Kuhn, who, though an enemy of the allied 
nations, cut a figure as the ally of their governments 
against another allied nation. Let us observe that if 
the League had as yet no official existence — it was the 
treaty of Versailles which was to be its birth certificate— 
it was already obligingly constituted for this occasion 
and was functioning secretly. It was even then trying 
out its powers against Roumania and in favour of 
bolshevism, in the manner of 1920 in face of the Soviet 
attack on Poland. In both crises the inspiration came 
from the same source. In 19^ President Wilson, the 
master of the Supreme Council, the godfather and the 
father, at any rate by adoption, of the League of 
Nations, forced upon the Supreme Council that 
scandalous partiality in favour of bolshevism. In 
1920, even if Wilson had quitted the political scene, 
the same hidden powers of which he was the instrument 
still protected the Soviets. 

This situation explains how the masked allies of 


— * 


Bcla-Kuhn had remained at Budapest after his defeat 
and how it was possible to meet them at the tables of 
the allied missions of which some of them were 
members. This fact was very convenient for them 
and enabled them to accomplish their other mission. 
They drank Tokay with as much gusto at allied tables 
as at the table of Bela-Kuhn, and when they had 
drunk more Tokay than the children who were their 
official proteges had drunk of milk, their tongues were 
loosened. A number of Jewish revolutionaries who 
had been expelled from Hungary were there after the 
Armistice. They wore American uniforms. Their 
reports to Wilson inspired the policy of the Supreme 
Council in Central Europe. I have retained in my 
memory the conversation of one of these augurs whose 
table neighbour I was at one of those international 
dinners which are the best school but the most 
dangerous reef for diplomacy. He had become a 
director of a great New York bank, one of those which 
were financing the bolshevist revolution. He was not, 
however, “ fixed to the ground like a strong box,” as 
Louis Philippe said of Casimir P<hier. On the 
contrary, he had intelligence in his speciality and a 
readiness to make any effort to reach higher regions. 
Like a good Oriental his speech was couched in 
imagery to which his active mind gave an intellectual 
development. A fellow guest had asked him how it was 
possible for high finance to protect bolshevism, a 
system hostile to that movable property whose 
existence is necessary for the banking industry, and 
also to those riches which are represented by land and 
buildings, not less a necessity for banking. Our friend 
who was then at the head of a mission for feeding 
those who were without bread, swigged off a big glass 
of Tokay, paused for a moment, taking a long pull at 


his enormous cigar which had cost five golden francs 
and then said : 

“ Those who are astonished at our alliance with the 
Soviets forget that the nation of Israel is the most 
nationalist of all peoples, for it is the most ancient, the 
most united and the most exclusive. They forget that 
its nationalism is the most heroic because it has resisted 
the most terrible persecutions. They forget that it is 
also the purest nationalism, since it is the most spiritual ; 
it has existed through the centuries in spite of all 
obstacles without any territory to give it strength. 
Like the papacy, it is oecumenical and spiritual. But 
its eyes arc turned towards the future rather than the 
past and its kingdom is of this world. 

“ That is why it is the salt of the earth, yet it is, as 
they say on the boulevards, le plus dessaU of nationalisms, 
which means that the world decants it and despoils 

As a few of the guests received the last statement 
with an irrepressible smile, the sage of Sion replied 
with this comment : “ When I say ‘ despoils,’ I mean 
that the wine of our nationalism is the most drinkable 
in the world ; it has the finest bouquet, and the 
nations of the world absorb it with the greatest ease, 
with delight and without a headache in the morning. 
But, to return to the subject of salt, do you know the 
saying of the men who salt cod fish ? I picked it up 
on the fishing grounds of Newfoundland. Here it is : 
* Too much salt corrodes meat, too little lets it rot.’ 
The precept can with justice be applied both to the 
human mind and to the peoples of the earth. We, 
Jews, apply it wisely as it should be applied, salt 
being the emblem of wisdom. We mingle it dis- 
creetly with the bread that men consume. We 
administer it in corrosive doses only in exceptional 



cases, when it is necessary to get rid of the dibris of an 
immoral past, as in the case of Czarist Russia. That 
gives you a partial explanation why bolshevism finds 
favour in our eyes ; it is an admirable salting tub in 
which to corrode and destroy and not to preserve. 
But beyond and above this particular instance we are 
in communion with Marxism in its purest form in the 
International, in other words with bur religion, because 
it is the weapon of our nationalism, in turn defensive 
and offensive, buckler and sword. You will say that 
Marxism is the very antithesis of capitalism which is 
equally sacred to us. It is precisely for the reason that 
they are direct opposites to one another, that they put 
into our hands the two poles of this planet and allow 
us to be its axis. These two contraries, like bolshevism 
and ourselves, find their identity in the International. 
These opposites which are at the antipodes to one 
another in society and in their doctrines meet again 
in the identity of their purpose and end, the remaking 
of the world from above by the control of riches, and 
from below by revolution. For centuries Israel has 
been segregated from Christianity, thrust into the 
ghetto to exhibit to the faithful what is called the 
evidence of the ancient law, in a humiliation which 
they declare to be a punishment for the crime of 
slaying God. And this fate saved us and, through us, 
will save humanity. In this way we preserved our 
genius and our divine mission. To-day it is we who 
, are the true faithful. Our mission consists in pro- 
mulgating the new law and in creating a God, that is 
to say in purifying the idea of God and realizing it 
when the time shall come. We shall purify that idea 
by identifying it with the notion of Israel, which has 
become its own Messiah. The advent of it will be 
facilitated by the final triumph of Israel. In these 

the real forces at work 

ideas we find our New Testament in which we recon- 
cile kings and prophets, as David the prophet-king 
and the king-prophet united them in his own person. 
We are kings that the prophecies may be fulfilled, ^and 
we are prophets that we may not cease to be kings.” 

Then the “ king-prophet ” drank another glass of 
Tokay. A sceptic raised this objection : “ Don’t you 
risk being the martyrs of this Messiah whose prophets 
and apostles you are ? For though your nationalism 
may be despoiled, it also sometimes despoils other 
nations. If you despise riches you do not disdain 
them altogether, as a means not of enjoyment but 
power. How is it possible for the triumph of the 
Universal Revolution, the destroyer and denier of 
capitahsm, to prepare the triumph of Israel which is 
the sacred ark of this same capitalism ? ” 

“ I am not ignorant of the fact that Jeroboam 
spread the cult of the Golden Calf from Dan to Bethel, 
and that Revolution is, in our days, the chief 
priestess of this cult and the most diligent provider of 
its tabernacles. If the Golden Calf is still standing, its 
most comfortable pedestal is undoubtedly the tomb 
of empires. In the first place revolution is never 
anything but the displacement of privileges which 
arise from wealth. It is not the creation of riches, nor 
even their exploitation which feeds the Golden Calf, 
it is above all else the mobilization of wealth, the soul 
of speculation, which feeds it. The more frequently 
wealth changes hands, the more of it remains in our 
hands. We are the brokers who receive commissions 
on all exchanges, or, if you prefer the expression, we 
are toll-gatherers who control the crossways of the 
world and collect a tax on all movements of that 
wealth which is ‘ anonymous and vagabond,’ whether 
such movements are from country to country, or are 

geneva versus peace 

the oscillations of market prices. To the calm and 
monotonous song of prosperity we prefer die passionate 
voices, raised m turn, of a rise and fall in market values 
1 here is nothing like a revolution to excite them, unless 
it is a war which is also a revolution. Then aeain 
revolution enfeebles nations and puts them in a 
condition in which they can least resist foreign enter- 
prises. The health of our Golden Calf calls for the 
sickness of certain nations, those which are incapable 
of developing themselves by their own efforts. On 
the contrary we are in close association with the great 
modern states such as France, England, the United 
btates, Italy, etc., who are represented at this table 
I hey have entertained us with generous hospitality 1 
a nd with them we are collaborating for the progress of 
civilization. On the other hand, let us take for 
example, Turkey before the war, ‘ the sick man of 
Europe, as the diplomats used to say. This ‘ sick 
man ’ was necessary to our health for he showered 
upon us concessions of all kinds : banks, mines, ports 
railways, etc. The whole economic life of Turkey was 
entrusted to us. We looked after him so well, that he 
died of the treatment, at least as far as Turkey in 
Europe was concerned. Looking at things from the 
vulgar point of view of the accumulation of wealth • 
for the purpose of accomplishing our mission, we 
wanted another ‘sick man.’ That need would by 
itself have been a sufficient reason, beyond all higher 
considerations, for inoculating pre-war Russia with 
bolshevism Russia is now the sick man of post-war 
times, much more nutritive to us than the Ottoman 
Empire and much less able to defend itself. Russia 
is our new feast. It will soon be a corpse and our only 
trouble will be to carve it up.” 

At the other end of the tabic sat a co-religionist. He 

the real forces at work 

was the enfant terrible of the synagogue and had waited 
for the psychological moment to get in his word. He 
cried out : “ They take us for birds of prey, we are 
rather carrion birds.” 

“ Well, yes, if you insist,” replied the apologist for 
the new faith, “ but please add that we are carrion 
birds for the good of humanity, for its moral health, 
just as in countries where sanitation and hygiene are 
in a rudimentary condition there arc other carrion 
birds for the physical health of the public. Add also 
that our essential dynamism makes use of the forces of 
destruction and the forces of creation, but uses the first 
to nourish the second. What indeed were countries 
like pre-war Turkey, pre-war Russia and even pre-war 
Hungary with its feudal regime and its latifundia ? 
They were paralysed limbs which spoilt all movements 
of the world. They were rather clots of blood in the 
circulation of Europe which might bring about its 
death by obliterating its vital blood vessels. By 
dissolving them we restore them to the current of blood 
circulating through the whole body. If, in the course 
of the operation, a few drops of this liquefied blood are 
scattered, why should we disturb ourselves ? It is a 
paltry price for an immense benefit. One of our 
countrymen has said that we, as a people, are an 
organized majority. Another has said that we 
are revolutionaries because we are conservers of 
ourselves. In the management of the new world 
we give proof of our organization both for revolu- 
tion and for conservation. Our organization for 
revolution is evidenced by destructive bolshevism 
/and for construction by the creation of the League 
of Nations which is also our work. Bolshevism is 
the accelerator and the League is the brake on 
the mechanism of which we supply both the motive 



force and the guiding power. What is the end ? It 
is already determined by our mission. Israel is 
a synthetic and homogeneous nation. It is formed 
of elements scattered throughout the whole world, 
but cast in the flame of our faith in ourselves. 
We are a League of Nations which contains the 
elements of all others. It is this fact which qualifies 
us to unite the nations around us. We are accused of 
being the agent which dissolves them. It is only at 
points which are impervious to that synthesis of 
national elements, of which ours is both the example 
and the means, that we act as a dissolvent. We do not 
break the surface except to aw-aken in the depths 
below the affinities which do not yet recognize each 
other. We are not the greatest common divisor of the 
nations except to become their greatest common 
federator. Israel is the microcosm and the germ of 
the City of the Future.” 

As I was going back to my hotel along the Danube, 
accompanied by the sceptical guest, he said to me : 

“ Did this prophet lie because, being under the sway 
of contradictory obligations towards his co-religionists j 
and the allies, he was between two stools, or did he 
speak the truth, because he had drunk a few glasses of 
wine and was a bit intoxicated ? Probably there was a 
little of both. On certain points his language con- 
formed too closely to that used by the other prophets 
not to reflect their actual thought. Did not Karl 
Marx glorify both war and revolution as the midwives 
of societies ? Was it not Lassalle who wanted the 
workers to be taught their own wretchedness ? And 
is not the best manner of teaching them to reduce them 

THE real forces at work 

don of the nations by revolution to make them e*K by 
fit for consumption, remind us of the beetles y 

I destines one of them to overturn the world and 

other to regenerate it. What is your opmion^ 

I had no opinion to offer. Since then, ^ j 

have often thought about it. I | Mnk " f hod , re nr e sent 
read the list of the 200 families who as a body represent 
industrial power of France, the -uon^ Port on 
of the wall of money, the economic b ®™ ” 11 
| rampart of the city, whatever may rb^tte m^deeds ^ 

f certain of its members. The , p rance 

eaters, those who are waiting impa . ^ 

shall be ready for them and who, to speed up her 
! collapse, are financing communism, are not written 

in this Book of Gold. , T _ acme Q f 

The brotherhood of bolshevism and theLeagoeot 
Nations was no novelty for me. However the only 
sign of it I knew was so trivial that .should l nothave 
remembered it, if it had not derived the firstsuggesuo 
of confirmation from the conversations inter pocula 


geneva versus peace 

force and the guiding power. What is the end ? It 
is already determined by our mission. Israel is 
a synthetic and homogeneous nation. It is formed 
of elements scattered throughout the whole world 
but cast in the flame of our faith in ourselves! 
We are a League of Nations which contains the 
elements of all others. It is this fact which qualifies 
us to unite the nations around us. We are accused of 
being the agent which dissolves them. It is only at 
points which are impervious to that synthesis of 
national elements, of which ours is both the example 
and the means, that we act as a dissolvent. We do not 
break the surface except to awaken in the depths 
below the affinities which do not yet recognize each 
other. We are not the greatest common divisor of the 
nations except to become their greatest common 
federator. Israel is the microcosm and the germ of 
the City of the Future.” 

As I was going back to my hotel along the Danube, 
accompanied by the sceptical guest, he said to me : 
Did this prophet lie because, being under the sway 
of contradictory obligations towards his co-religionists 
and the allies, he was between two stools, or did he 
speak the truth, because he had drunk a few glasses of 
wme and was a bit intoxicated ? Probably there was a 
ttle of both. On certain points his language con- 
formed too closely to that used by the other prophets ! 
not to reflect their actual thought. Did not Karl 
Marx glorify both war and revolution as the midwives 
of societies ? Was it not Lassalle who wanted the 
workers to be taught their own wretchedness ? And 
is not the best manner of teaching them to reduce them 


to a condition of misery? And is not a revolution 
which is aimed at the decomposition of a nation 
quicker and more complete if all classes are made 
wretched, if they are handed over to Chinese torturers 
as in Russia, or to Bela-Kuhn as in Hungary ? His 
gastronomic metaphors, with reference to the prepara- 
don of the nations by revolution to make them exactly 
fit for consumption, remind us of the beetles used by 
cooks to mortify (such is the technical term) meat 
which is too fresh, in order to make it tender for the 
table. Have you ever nodced that when these peoples 
speak of ‘ advanced countries * they do so in terms ot 
horrible greediness which suggest the kitchen and a 
delectable odour of game ? No doubt all is not pure 
invention in his story of those twin brothers Bokhevism 
and the League of Nations, moving in the heart ot 
I international High Finance at New \ork, which 
destines one of them to overturn the world and the 
other to regenerate it. What is your opinion ? 

I had no opinion to offer. Since then, however, I 
have often thought about it. I think of it to-day as 1 
read the list of the 200 families who as a body represent 
the industrial power of France, the national portion 
of the wall of money, the economic bastion in the 
rampart of the city, whatever may be the misdeeds ot 
certain of its members. The names of the carnon 
eaters, those who are waiting impatiently till France 
shall be ready for them and who, to speed up her 
collapse, are financing communism, are not written 

in this Book of Gold. f 

The brotherhood of bolshevism and the League ot 
Nations was no novelty for me. However the only 
sign of it I knew was so trivial that I should not have 
remembered it, if it had not derived the first suggestion 
of confirmation from the conversations inter pocula at 



Budapest. A few months before when the result of 
the war, still in the balance on the western front '! 
seemed quite desperate on the eastern front, as a result 
of the Russian revolution, I had received at Tassv a 
visit from Albert Thomas. There our Roumanian j 
allies were putting up a fierce and energetic resistance 1 
against the enemy. Albert Thomas was at that time ! 
our representative in the new Russia. The allies, who 
were blinded to the nature of the Russian revolution 1 
by their scholastic memories of the French revolution 
iad at first saluted it as the dawn of a mass-rising in 
Russia to defend the fatherland against the invader 
to the bitter end. They had thought it a clever move 
to recall their ambassadors who were ill-qualified to 
speak from a warlike revolutionary platform, and to 
replace them by socialist leaders. England had sent 
Mr Henderson, who tried out his powers in Russia 
for his future position of chairman of the Disarmament 
Conference at Geneva by an ardent advocacy of the 
crusade of democracies against imperialisms. Russia 
was then the last-bom of democracies, and the 
greatest, fondest hopes were placed in her. M. 
Vandervclde joined Mr. Henderson in the name of 
Belgium. I hen Albert Thomas was put in charge of 
the job of getting the Russian “ steam-roller ” at work 
again. To-day the “steam-roller” is rolling over 
France and crushing her. M. Thomas applied him- 
selt to the task of getting it to move by breathing 
mto it the spirit of its ancestors. It was through me 
that he came to Jassy, not certainly to galvanize into 
action the 500,000 Russians who held, or, rather were 
letting go their hold on the Russo-Roumanian front, 
but to furnish evidence of our sympathy with Rou- 
mania. Being on the spot it was impossible for me to 
entertain any delusions whatever with regard to the 

the real forces at work 

Russians. Roumania was in a tragic situation, a prey 
to famine and epidemics, completely surrounded by 
her enemies and betrayed by the only ally wtth whom 
she was in contact, yet still she put up an heroic 
defence of the last little corner of her temtory which 
remained free from the invader. Albert Thomas was 
the most intelligent and most patriotic of all the men 
of the extreme left whom I have met. With complete 
contempt for fatigue and danger he squandered his 
powers and energies to bring to the troops m the 
front line a salutation from France. His chief mission 
was to galvanize into action the Russian army and he 
took advantage of his stay in Jassy to visit the whole 
of the Russo-Roumanian front and to spread the 
good word along it, which he did by making a score 
of speeches every day to the ears of as many units 
[ I accompanied him on one of his rounds. I admire 
his zeal, his endurance and his eloquence all the more 
because this apostle had no belief in the Word, not 
even in his own. His harangues, or rather his 
harangue, for it was always the same, was a medley 
of Karl Marx and Deroutede, a hymn to the revolution 
and a blast on the bugle. Karl Marx only intervened 
to make the audience swallow Deroulede, who clearly 
had the orator’s preference. He put into his speeches 
such heat that at a temperature of 20 degrees below 
zero the sweat ran down his face in the open air. To 
this oratorical torrent succeeded a flood of champagne 
of an execrable German brand, the gift of the German 
troops opposite. As soon as the first symptoms of the 
Russian revolution appeared on the front, companies 
of fraternization had been formed amongst the 
Germans to accelerate the decomposition of he 
enemy front. After he had kissed the officers on the 
mouth and given his benediction to the soldiers he 



departed to the accompaniment of frenzied applause 
From the luxurious disorder of his hair the Russian 
soldiers mistook him for a French papas. They then 
deserted en masse. He was conscious of the futility of 
this apostolate, and yet his fervour was not diminished. 
This made me compare him to the hero of a story by 
Jules Lemaitre, a certain Serenus, who suffered 
martyrdom for having blasphemed the gods without 
believing in God. He did this, through dilettantism or 
stoicism, to please himself. In his torture he cried out, 

No, it is not as useless as it seems for I spread the 
good seed. M. Thomas said, “ I do not deceive 
myself as to the merits of my eloquence, nor do I waste 
my powers for these moujiks. The greater part of my 
speech, the whole paraphrase from Karl Marx, except 
the adaptation, more or less made up for the circum- 
stances, of the holy war and ‘ in the name of social 
justice against capitalistic militarism,’ I served up to 
the Russians in the same terms as I did to my socialist 
audiences at Belleville and Menilmontant. 

It is a curious and, at the same time, a humiliating 
thing for orators that the Russian soldiers, who did not 
understand a word of what I told them, the translation 
being made only en bloc after the speech, applauded • 
exactly in the same places as their Parisian comrades. 

In an oration there is in the action, the gesture, the 
look, something which commands applause, indepen- 
dently of the sense of the words. Eloquence is physical, 
not intellectual. But did you notice that the only 
passage which inspired enthusiasm when the interpre- 
tator translated it was the one I had made up especially 
for them, the speech on the future League of Nations ? ” 
The laughing, even mischievous, eyes of Albert 
Thomas became suddenly mystical when he pro- 
nounced that holy name. There only, said he, was an 

the real forces at work 

ideal which was worth living, and even dying for. 
And he had been recommended at Moscow to hoist 
this Labarum — in hoc signo vinces — in front of Russian 
troops to stir them up by the mirage of a future, 
worthy of all sacrifices, the perpetual peace of the 
nations reconciled in justice. Albert Thomas was not 
wrong in placing his confidence in the future League 
of Nations. When next year he was summoned, not 
to die heroically for the League, but to live comfortably 
for it, I understood his zeal. His position as director 
of the International Bureau of Geneva crowned his 
paradoxical destiny to his heart’s desire. Like every 
good socialist demagogue, he had hurled anathemas 
at war in his election meetings, but he had preached 
war to the bitter end on the Russian front. He had 
branded (with infamy) cannon merchants and de- 
manded in his confessions of faith the suppression of 
the “ budgets of death ’’ to the profit of budgets ot 
life. Yet after entering the government as Under 
Secretary of State for artillery, he had become all- 
powerful as Minister for Munitions and had, in a few 
months, spent with the cannon merchants more millions 
than they had pocketed in several centuries ; finally 
he had aroused the indignation of crowds against 
perquisites and pickings, but he became a beneficiary 
of the biggest distributor of stipends in Europe. But I 
am wrong in attributing to this fact his faith in Geneva. 
I make honourable amends to his memory for there 
was something else. 

Those who look for the truth elsewhere than m 
official documents know that President Wilson, whose 
election had been financed by the Great Bank of 
New York, rendered almost complete obedience to 
its beck and call. They know the famous telegram, 
or rather the telegram which was destined to be 



famous, addressed on May 28th, 1919, from New York 1 
to Mr. Wilson by Jacob SchifF to dictate to him 
concessions for Germany on the five following points : i 
regime of reparations, Upper Silesia, Sarre, Dantzig 1 
and Fiume. Up to the receipt of this telegram Mr. 1 
Wilson had vigorously supported Clemenceau’s point ] 
of view, but he at once changed his attitude in order 1 
to conform to the word of command from the Associa- 1 
tion for the League of Free Nations, directed by 1 
Jacob H. Schiff and five other American financiers, an j 
association in the name of which the cablegram was 
sent. His change of direction having determined a 
majority against France, the treaty of Versailles on j 
these five grave questions was dictated by Jacob H. j 
Schiff and his co-religionists. 

But it was not known to what point those who called j 
themselves the masters of the hour and of the future 1 
were servile masters. It was not known that the gospel J 
of the new age, the historic message of which the 1 
treaty of Versailles is only the expression in form, the I 
note of January 14th, 1918, on the fourteen points, 1 
was a diktat. It was known only that the fourteenth fl 
point, the most important and the corner-stone of the I 
whole edifice, provided for the establishment of the I 
League of Nations. An eminent American journalist, j 
Mr. Morton Fullerton, a friend of France, as foreseeing 1 
as he is well-informed, has recently admitted in the 1 
Figaro (of March 23rd to April 20th, 1 936) the uncontro- 
vertible proof. He tells us, with documents in support, ] 
that on January 3rd, 1918, a certain M. Sisson, I 
representing in Petrograd the Committee of Public j 
Information (one of those organizations which are 
the screen of occult powers and have more authority 
than the official powers), addressed to President \ 
Wilson a telegram inviting him immediately to make 

the real forges at work 

a solemn declaration with regard to the conditions of 
a democratic peace, in terms calculated to facilitate pro- 
paganda in Russia in Germany. “ I can,” said M 
Sisson, “ fill Germany with German translations and 
make ’the widest use of the Russian translation in the 
army and everywhere.” “ Five days later in Europe, 
says Mr. Fullerton, “ a shiver of joy was felt, even in 
the trenches where they were fighting, and the words 
so dictated fell upon Europe like manna from Heaven. 
Nobody, or rather few of us, knew that this manna 
was poisoned.” On January 13th M. Sisson cabled 
to Washington that the walls of Petrograd where 
the Soviets had received the earliest communication 
of Wilson’s idea and message were covered with it. 
He added that in Moscow the same publicity would be 
given to it ; that millions of copies would be distributed 
on the Russian front and on the German front. A few 
weeks afterwards came the treason of Brest-Litovsk, 
then the massacre of the Imperial Family at Ekaterinen- 
burg, then ... 

Thus did President Wilson promulgate the new 
■ charter of international law so as to be agreeable to 
the Soviets, who at the same time were applying it in 
their own fashion by the arrest and imprisonment in 
the fortress of Peter and Paul of the Minister for 
Roumania, M. Diamandy, by the pillage of his 
archives; by the official burglary of the Italian 
embassy ; by the assassination of the gallant Captain 
Cromy in the British embassy, and finally by the 
I imprisonment of our compatriots amongst whom were 
M. Mazon, a professor at the College of France and 
the chief of the French colony, the heroic Pierre 
Darcy, who lost his life soon afterwards as a martyr 
to the Cheka. 

In the reconstruction of the skeleton of this monster 

o.r. gi 0 


Mr. Morton Fullerton’s discovery is similar in import- 
ance to the discovery of one of those two cervical 
vertebras supporting the head which, according to 
Cuvier’s law, are described as typical of an organism. 
At the pace at which things are developing to-day the 
monster will soon seem prehistoric. I possess of it 
only a few little broken bones, in the corroborative 
remarks of the prophet of Budapest and of Albert 
Thomas to which at the time I heard them I attached 
no importance whatsoever. Without abandoning 
himself to hazardous inductions the learned creator 
of the science of paleontology would no doubt be able 
to reconstruct from such tiny fragments the whole 
monster and to insert therein in their proper positions 
the organically related organs of the revolution and 
the plutocracy. I will not take upon myself to apply 
to this example of an unknown species his two funda- 
mental laws : the law of the subordination of organs 
by virtue of which some have a sovereign influence 
over the whole of the others, and the law of the 
correlation of forms by which certain characteristics 
exist together and are interdependent, whilst others 
of necessity exclude one another. I restrict myself to 
suggesting these analogies, whilst I leave to those more 
learned than myself, especially to the numerous 
professors of the League of Nations whose knowledge 
is greater than mine, the duty of making a precise 

I leave to them also the task of establishing the 
hierarchy of the organs in their subordination to one 
another. Was the role of dictator assumed by the 
Revolution, by the Soviets who must have taken the 
initiative in the invitation addressed to President 
Wilson by M. Sisson ? Or rather, as I am inclined to 
think, was not this invitation called for by the 

the real forces at work 

plutocracy of New York, the financiers of the revolution 
who could refuse it nothing? The plutocracy had 
taken the full measure of the President. His reason, 
which was to founder in megalomania, was, without a 
doubt, already weakening. They could push him in 
the direcdon towards which he leaned by that cable- 
gram, dated from Petrograd rather than from any- 
where else, to conjure him in the names of the Russian 
and German peoples to be the arbiter of peace and the 
saviour of the world. Perhaps the surest means of 
[ communicadon between American finance and the 
White House passed through Russia. On the other 
hand, the brusque telegram, already mentioned, sent 
by Jacob H. Schiff, proves that the germanophiles of 
New York knew how to get at Mr. Wilson, without 
having recourse to this indirect fire. 

Some readers will be astonished at meeting Germany 
and Russia associated in the same request to President 
Wilson and in the enthusiasm aroused by his fourteen 
points. The League of Nations, according to the 
fourteenth point, had for its object the provision of 
mutual guarantees of political independence and 
[ territorial integrity for small and great states alike. 
Did it not therefore raise an insurmountable barrier 
across the road of German revenge ? And how is one 
to explain the initiative, spontaneous or otherwise, 
of the Soviets who, whilst they made a pretence of 
' continuing the struggle so as to put the Allies ofl the 
scent, already took their orders from Berlin ? Would 
not the whole of this story be under suspicion through 
its improbability, if the revelation made by Morton 
i Fullerton, far from being contradicted, or even 
questioned, had not been confirmed by additional 
evidence? Not the least bit in the world, for the 
^ intervention of Germany would provide further 



confirmation, if it were necessary. The League of 1 
Nations was conceived at Berlin before it was hatched 1 
out at Petrograd. We learn this fact from Biilow, who 1 
relates that in 1917 he wrote to a high official of the j 
Wilhelmstrasse, saying to him that “ without a doubt in j 
those days of extreme crisis he no longer found a minute I 
for rest.” Here is his correspondent’s reply : — 

“ It is true that we have much to do ; we are busy 9 
elaborating German proposals for the League of 1 
Nations which, it is to be hoped, will be the best fruit V 
of the war.” 

Germany, destined a few years later to take the | 
inidative at Locarno, “ the fruit of Geneva,” was ] 
already planting, whilst the war was still being fought, 1 
the spurious olive tree which was to produce Locarno. 1 
She was putting into pracdce the famous maxim of 1 
Clausewitz on the identity of war and politics, war 
being politics and politics being war, each continued 
and carried on by the other. This identity brings us 
back to Berlin, our point of departure in this circular 
trip around war and peace. It is at Berlin that the 
ring is completed, after having traversed Washington, 
Paris, London, Budapest and Petrograd. It is also a 
journey in search of a paternity, the paternity of the 
League of Nations. The mutual affinities of its 
ancestry — plutocracy, revolution, freemasonry and pan- 
germanism — are so close, these affiliations are so 
consanguineous and convergent, that it may be 
wondered whether they are distinct one from another 
and if there is not beneath them all another identity. 
Idealism, the blind idealism which watched over the 
cradle of the League, is clearly not one of its fathers. 
Idealism was there only to provide an alibi for them, 
to acknowledge their child, to confer upon it the civil 
status and connections which would help it to make its 


the real forces at work 

way brilliantly in the world. The real fathers disown 
it in the interests of its career, but in vain. The child 
gives them the lie, not intentionally, but by its likeness 
to them which becomes more and more striking as it 
grows up and by evincing for them a solicitude which 
would be inexplicable if it were not filial. T